Muslims, Islam, and AIDS: Thoughts
on the 2nd International Muslim Religious Leaders Consultation on HIV/AIDS
Amina Wadud
The spread of HIV/AIDS within families
brings up an interesting concern with addressing inconsistencies between
intent and experience within the family: How do certain family structures
create greater vulnerability? The first part of this presentation will
look at an interesting paradox: the family, that institution through which
human beings expect and receive their greatest nurturing, is the same
institution that can create the greatest vulnerabilities in the spread of
HIV/AIDS for women and children. When the structure of family itself
causes vulnerability, critical examination is even more in order to
construct ways that civil society can empower family members to challenge
the abuses that occur within families. However, some see the very idea of
challenging “family” as a disruption in social well being. Ultimately
my question is: How can families empower all members equally despite
vulnerability due to age or gender.
The first part of this presentation will
examine the terms and experiences of vulnerability to HIV/AIDS for women
and children as members of existing family structures in the context of
Islam and Muslims. My objective is to disentangle or demystify
“family” by focusing on both its supportive and destructive aspects.
Family as a construct must be subjected to a rigorous analysis as part of
any agenda that seeks to fight against the spread of AIDS. As such,
combating AIDS will also contribute to reforms in Muslim Personal Status
Laws. One goal of these reforms will be to help the family structure
function as a comfort and support for all its members equally. I will
review some of the underlying assumptions about family in Islamic law in
as much as these historically constructed assumptions are still
implemented in Muslim societies while allowing undue privilege for men and
male desires. This presentation uses the HIV/AIDS epidemic as evidence of
dangerous and untenable double standards in the face of modern social
change and experience. I will consider structural inconsistencies that
often go unchallenged when the word “family” is introduced. While
seeking to retain the family ideals of nurturance and support, I will also
focus on they way some family structures provide for particular
vulnerabilities.
The second part of this presentation will
begin to think about theological implications of combating the spread of
AIDS, increasing public awareness, and empowering both direct and indirect
victims of HIV/AIDS. Some family members have directly contracted the
virus through abuses and misunderstandings of other members while some
family members find their life style and future indirectly affected by
members with HIV/AIDS.
Thinking about HIV/AIDS gender and
family in an Islamic Perspective
In 2002, I had my first encounter with constructive organizational level
efforts to respond to the AIDS epidemic at a meeting in Nairobi, Kenya.
The World Conference on Religion and Peace (WCRP) convened as part of the
HACI program (HIV/AIDS Children Initiative) launched specifically to
address the needs of increasing numbers of orphans of AIDS. Dr. Vendley
will no doubt provide details on WCRP’s particular project related to
utilizing community based religious organizations for information,
advocacy and assistance.
My experience at this WCRP meeting was
important not only as a context for learning but also as it sparked my
interest in the work needed in the context of Islam and Muslims with AIDS.
On that occasion, African Religious leaders also gathered for a summit.
The Muslim participants convened one morning to discuss the initiatives
and Islam. One of the “Imams” dominated the first half of that
45-minute meeting by giving a khutbah (long speech) on the importance of
avoiding zina (fornication). This khutbah was insignificant to our
development of a clear “Islamic” position on the particular initiative
regarding AIDS orphans. Indeed, the whole tenor of the speech was useless
as a framework for developing an Islamic theological response to HIV/AIDS.
Yet, such a response might be useful if developed in the future. During
the time since that meeting, I have begun to think about an Islamic
theological response and the problems that it might pose.
HIV/AIDS and Vulnerability
In effect, what I present here emphasizes the ways that Islam and Muslims
exacerbate the spread of AIDS and that a traditional Islamic theological
response can never cure AIDS. AIDS exists as an immune deficiency
syndrome. It has spread to epidemic proportions; over 42 million people
are affected with an estimated 3 million deaths per year. Of particular
interest to my thesis is the consequence and spread of AIDS among children
(under the age of 15), with additional infections of over one half million
annually. In addition to its fatality, consequences here include children
who become orphaned each year due to the death of their primary care
takers from AIDS. The estimates are 14 million children orphaned by AIDS.
What does a theological premise “la taqrabuna ‘l-zina” avail these
children? How has Islam in particular assisted them towards living a life
of dignity and how has it prevented them from experiences of dignity and
worth, un-stigmatized by our ostrich theology and law? My experiences at
the Nairobi meeting included a visit to an orphanage run by a women’s
church group. To be sure, these women were also concerned with the
spiritual health and development of the children in this home. What
happens when religious groups, be they Muslim or otherwise, take in a
child? What happens if the child had Muslim or Christian parents? Do we
only take in those children who are members of our own religion? Can we
raise any child with true religious choice once we take them in? It
presents an interesting case vis-à-vis the concerns for these 14 million
children. If we save an endangered child is the child then further
endangered by loss of religious choice?
The other group that is of concern here are
monogamous wives. Especially in the context of Islam, where a Muslim wife
is not only expected to be, but defined in terms of her being
unconditionally sexually available to her husband. Properly fulfilling
this role of wife is fatal to some women, with estimates as high as 80%.
That is 80% of the heterosexual women with AIDS are monogamous and have
only ever had sex with their husbands. What does a theological premise
“la taqrabuna ‘l-zina” avail these women? How has Islam in
particular assisted them towards living a life of dignity and how has it
prevented them from experiences of dignity and worth, un-stigmatized by
our ostrich theology and law?
Ultimately the solutions to the problems of
AIDS will not be limited to victims in the two particular sub-groups of my
examination. However, I am interested in how these two groups demonstrate
how empty religious platitudes are in addressing the problem and how, even
when those responses are based on the Qur’an and Sunnah they are
ineffective to resolve the problem.
HIV/AIDS and Sexuality in Islam
With regard to the 80% heterosexual women who contract AIDS in monogamous
relations, a direct look at Islam and sexuality is called for. According
to Shari’ah if a Muslim man desires intercourse with his wife, she must
comply. If she does not, she is guilty of nushuz, recalcitrance. A wife
who is nashizah is no longer eligible for nafaqah: maintenance or
financial support. In addition, in various degrees of interpretation and
application, the Qur’an asserts that the husband of such a woman may
beat her. In the face of this, the vast majority of Muslim wives, those
with gentle husbands, husbands of polygyny: open or secret, husbands of
violence and abuse, upright husbands of moral standing and husbands of
AIDS, open their legs to their men as they are not only expected, but
commanded to do by that which is most popularly understood as “Islam”.
Women turn towards men who have contracted AIDS and open their legs to
their own death and destruction. It matters little if the men have
contracted AIDS by either legal and moral or illegal and immoral means. By
legal and moral means, I refer to the husband who has contracted AIDS by
marrying younger more sexually virile women as confirmation of their
masculine sexuality and then turn to the demure and compliant wife of
longer standing. In turn, she may then give birth to or infect at birth
their innocent child. The consequences for the muhsinat and qaanitat are
the same: they will die because they are “good”. How does a statement,
“la taqrabuna ‘l-zina” apply to them? How does “Islam” resolve
this problem?
Sexuality
One of the underlying concerns for fully addressing HIV/AIDS is a hard and
fast look at sexuality in Islam. To do this, I remind us first about
sexuality and gender in general. My references here are to research by
western feminists. In particular, I am interested in work done on the
tyranny of patriarchal domination through heterosexuality or the sexual
politic of domination. For the most part, marriage in shari’ah is
marriage of the woman’s subordination. Whatever choice she may have in
contracting marriage to a particular prospective husband, her choice is
then limited within the structures of marriage and family that prevail
once the marriage is consummated. There is a considerable lack of
reciprocity vis-à-vis what happens in the marriage itself.
“A prime theoretical contribution of the
contemporary analysis of women’s oppression can be captured in the
slogan “the personal is political”. What this means is that the
subordination of women by men is pervasive, that it orders the
relationships of the sexes in every area of life, that a sexual politic of
domination is as much in evidence in the private spheres of the family,
ordinary social life, and sexuality as in the traditionally public spheres
of government and the economy. The belief that things we do in the bosom
of the family or in bed are either “natural” or else a function of
personal idiosyncrasies of private individual is held to be an
“ideological curtain that conceals the reality of women’s systematic
oppressions”. For the feminist, two things follow upon the discovery
that sexuality too belongs to the sphere of the political. The first is
that what ever pertains to sexuality—not only actual sexual behavior,
but sexual desire and sexual fantasy as well—will have to be understood
in relation to a larger system of subordination; the second, that the
deformed sexuality of patriarchal culture must be moved from the hidden
domain of “private life” into an arena of struggle, where a
“politically correct” sexuality of mutual respect will contend with an
“incorrect” sexuality of domination and submission”. (Sandra Lee
Bartky “Feminine Masochism and the Politics of Personal
Transformation” in Living With Contradictions: Controversies in Feminist
Social Ethics”, edited by Alison M. Jaggar, Westview Press, 1999; pg.
519.)
According to the article “Sexuality,
Diversity, and Ethics in the Agenda of Progressive Muslims” by Scott
Siraj al-Haqq Kugle in a recent volume entitled 'Progressive Muslims' from
One World Publication, Muslim scholars apparently were already ahead of
the feminist here:
“In comparison with many other religious
traditions, it has often been noted that Islam is a religion that has
evaluated sexual life positively. Articulating the integral relationship
between spirituality and sexuality is one way that the Prophet Muhammad
challenged his society. It remains for us, today, to continually struggle
with that challenge. The system of norms, rules, and laws created by
Muslims in the past (a collective body we call Shari’ah) does not
absolve us of this challenge. It may, in fact, create complexities that
drive us to reinvestigate the topic while presenting obstacles to a just
resolution of those complexities. Scholars in the contemporary period have
not lived up to the standards and frankness of pre-modern Islamic
scholars, and much work has yet to be done on the question of sexuality in
Islamic scripture, law, and society. Many scholars and Islamic leaders in
the present shy away from honest discussions of sex and sexuality, with
all its promise and problems. Muslims in pre-modern times certainly were
not shy about discussing matter of sex and sexuality, so why should we be
so prudish? The most basic goal of this essay is to return to us the
contemporary Muslims, the “awe and bewilderment” that al-Ghazali felt
when considering sexual pleasure.
Sexuality is connected not just to
spirituality, but to politics as well. What is required of us in political
situations is an acute sense of justice, but we often ignore or obscure
justice when it comes to matter of sex and sexuality. We need to think
more clearly about “intimate citizenship”, how personal, emotional,
and sexual dimensions of our lives (which are often locked away as
“private”) actually have very public and often political
consequences.” (Scott Siraj al-Haqq Kugle ,“Sexuality, Diversity, and
Ethics in the Agenda of Progressive Muslims” in Progressive Muslims from
One World Publication, 2003, pg 191.)
Coincidently this article takes a thorough
look at the issue of homosexuality and presents the reader with various
classical interpretations of the story of Lut from the Qur’an. Yet even
in the new territory being forged by this article, Siraj never manages to
disentangle his compliments of the past and critique of the present, from
the extent to which even his struggle to look more affirmatively at
sexuality is based primarily on male sexuality. What is considered here as
Islam’s lack of prudishness in the classical period was still on the
basis of the predominant notion of human being, i.e. the male human.
Furthermore, the Qur’an itself, as well as the shari’ah is founded
upon male sexual experience. I have looked elsewhere at how the Qur’an
seems to affirm masculine pleasure and experience. In the Qur’an I point
to three specific incidents that give a cross section of male sexuality
and fantasies without ever responding in an equivalent manner to women and
women’s sexuality.
Foremost however is the Qur’anic
affirmation of marriage in general, which can be said to be gender
neutral. The underlying assumption of an overwhelmingly heterosexual
social order is that women and men should be engaged in healthy sexual
exchanges. However, the first indication that there are some
disproportionate elements in this general gender neutral formula is in the
attention given to men’s “right to satisfaction” from the verse on
women as tilth, then the conditional permission to multiple wives and
concluding in the afterlife with meticulous details concerning the 'huris'
of paradise. Not only do no equivalent articulations exist in the Qur’an
about women’s sexual satisfaction, the Qur’an refers to
post-menopausal women as being “beyond want” despite ample evidence to
the contrary. Following closely upon this, the emphasis on sexuality in
the law is overwhelmingly on male heterosexual satisfaction.
An HIV positive woman is not an indictment
of the promiscuity of the woman, since: “Men are qawwamun” (4:34) can
be seen as recognition of the unequal power dynamics of masculine and
feminine sexuality. It is not in the command form implying perhaps the
idea that it is an edict, to be fulfilled by the mere nature of being a
man. It is stated in the form of an active participle recognizing agency
and being. A man may fulfill 'qiwamah'. Therefore women must yield sexually
to this 'Qa’im', whether he is acting in a manner mustaqim (straight) or
crooked. An analogy could be made between the sexual moralities of an HIV
positive married Muslim woman and pregnancy in an unmarried Muslim woman.
Neither is proof of a woman’s indiscretion. With today’s fertilization
sciences, pregnancy is not even proof of intercourse. Surely evidence
shows that there are multiple causes of pregnancy other than a woman’s
consent. However, both cases lend themselves well to the idea that women
are more vulnerable in Muslim societies.
Vulnerability and Gender
Much of my information in the following was taken from the World Health
Organization. Their data was as old or as recent as December 2001. “In
most societies, girls and women face heavier risks of the HIV infection
than men because their diminished economic and social status compromises
their ability to choose safer and healthier life strategies.” Gender
roles powerfully influence the course and impact of the epidemic and
affect the extent to which AIDS affects vulnerability. Gender
inequalities, the different attributes and roles assigned to women and men
in society affects their ability to protect themselves and cope with its
impact. “Reversing the spread of HIV therefore demands that women’s
rights are realized and that women are empowered in all spheres of
life”, especially sexually. The factors that increase the vulnerability
of women and girls to HIV “include social norms that deny women sexual
health knowledge and practices that prevent them from controlling their
bodies and deciding the terms on which they have sex.” In addition to
this are “women’s limited access to economic opportunities and
autonomy, and the multiple household and community roles they are saddled
with.”
The proportion of women living with
HIV/AIDS has risen steadily. Women are often affected at an earlier age
than men. Girls are five or six times more likely to be infected than
teenage boys. There is also growing evidence that a large share of new
cases of HIV infection is due to gender based violence in homes, schools,
the workplace and other social spheres, to say nothing of situations of
civil disorder and war where women and girls are systematically targeted
for abuse, including sexual abuse. HIV positive women are also
discriminated against when trying to access care and support. Meanwhile
the burden of caring for ill family members rests mainly with women.
Discrimination in care support and women’s own indispensable support
roles often mean that many will seek assistance for their own illness much
later than will positive men. Without women-specific programs being
integrated with other services such as ob-gyn, social support, substance
abuse, nutrition and the like, women’s particular needs and
vulnerabilities will not being formulated and will render any agenda said
to effectively assist in the reduction of the spread of AIDS hopelessly
problematic.
The “la taqrabuna ‘l-zina” agenda is
one such problematic agenda. It does manage to increase the stigma of all
HIV positive cases. Muslim women who are described in the Qur’an in
terms particular to their sexual virtues especially feel the concern for
moral propriety. The significant role played by stigma in reducing the
gains of a battle against HIV/AIDS needs its own attention. Like rape,
women are more clearly the ones most victimized, but they are also the
ones more likely to be stigmatized by its occurrence and as such will more
than likely hide their experience in order to avoid the negative social
and spiritual consequences of such a confession. On the other hand, when a
woman stands forward to pronounce her opposition to those factors that
increase women’s vulnerability, she herself may be cast in a negative
light with suspicions about her morality being whispered behind her back.
In this force of stigma, it is no wonder that women are still among the
minority of those who have worked comprehensively to help construct a more
compassionate paradigm, including the “Islamic” religious paradigm, to
confront such an issue.
Yet only with women’s full participation
and empowerment can the disease actually be arrested. In this regard, an
Islamic perspective on HIV/AIDS is impossible without simultaneously
addressing women’s empowerment, including their sexual empowerment in
the context of the patriarchal paradigm that still predominates our
notions about sexuality in Islam. A new paradigm that promotes women’s
rights to know (i.e. be informed) to say no (i.e. refuse) or otherwise
determine independently the exact nature of their own sexuality and their
responses to the predominance not only of heterosexuality, but to the
tyranny of it.
How does “Islam” resolve this
problem?
There are no Qur’anic verses on epidemics, whether of the immune
deficient or SARS type. Yet Muslims must address these problems.
Furthermore, if a Muslim is efficient at bringing about a cure, or
resolving the issue of the spread of these diseases, we might want to
associate his or her “Islam” with the consequence of their research or
medical findings. If we do make this association, however, it will at best
be indirect. Even if the successful researcher makes an explicit or direct
statement that the work was accomplished as a result of his or her being
Muslim, it will be impossible to refer to a specific Qur’anic verse or
prophetic ahâdîth that can stand as the foundation of the technical
skills, medical know how or research methods that could actually prove to
bring about the solution. In a sense this gives us, as Muslims, the
greater freedom in participating fully and responsibly in the search for a
cure. If we fail, we cannot be indicted as bad Muslims. On the other hand,
if we are successful, we cannot associate our success explicitly to Islam,
even as we take inspiration from it.
Likewise, we cannot blame a failure of
Islam as the cause for AIDS. If we address shortcomings within family law,
as conditional upon the safety and security of those whose lives suffer
from existing family structures, then we can help to reconstruct the law
to remove those factors which help the spread of AIDS. Although these
structural problems may be seen as secondary causes of the spread of the
virus, the process of reducing the spread of it has shown the need to
address all causes. Furthermore, these structural changes have other
positive results in formulating more egalitarian families and society.
As a non-medical person, and one who does
not contribute to disease research, I am clear that I cannot propose a
solution to HIV/AIDS. My concern here is to address the ways that hollow
Islamic theological rhetoric is made hallow or sacred by authoritarian
means. Religious leaders, scholars and medical personnel cannot resort to
these empty platitudes to excuse them from dealing directly with a problem
of this catastrophic proportion.
HIV/AIDS and Zina
If HIV/AIDS was merely the result of immoral or un-Islamic behavior then
non-Muslim countries should have a higher percentage of cases. However,
highly industrialized countries like the United States have more active
measures to curtail the spread of the disease perhaps because they do not
resort to such an equation. When the emphasis is on reducing the spread of
AIDS and not on taking a moral high ground, then more effective means for
its reduction has resulted. Again, the underlying presumption that this
disease can be directly linked to some un-Islamic level of moral behavior
precludes the efficacy of other factors to determine the actual spread or
safety and protection from its fatalities. The United States began its
campaign against the spread of AIDS without the religio-moral high ground
that can thwart an effective response to the epidemic. Without
name-calling, isolation, silence and denial, it was able to address the
spread. Simultaneously, the U.S. also launched the first ever such public
campaign to promote celibacy among American youth. Commercials show
popular and sophisticated young people engaged in a number of activities,
going to school, earning and saving money, or creatively engaged in the
arts, articulating their reasons for abstaining from sex until they are
married. Whether this is true or not seems to be beside the point: it has
more effectively advocated for abstinence.
HIV and Sharî'ah
My concluding remarks are based on the impossibility of an exclusively
Islamic theological response to HIV/AIDS. I don’t mean to sound
pessimistic or un-Islamic here, but I have already stated that:
“Even if the successful researcher makes
an explicit or direct statement that the work was accomplished as a result
of his or her being Muslim, it will be impossible to refer to a specific
Qur’anic verse or prophetic ahâdîth that can stand as the foundation of
the technical skills, medical know how or research methods that could
actually prove to bring about the solution. In a sense this gives us, as
Muslim, the greater freedom in participating fully and responsibly in the
search for a cure. If we fail, we cannot be indicted as bad Muslims. On
the other hand, if we are successful, we cannot associate our success
explicitly to Islam, even as we take inspiration from it.”
Indeed, I see Islam as inspiration for
making my comments here as forceful and hard hitting as I could in order
perhaps to jolt my own soul out of any tendency towards what Faisal Abdul
Rauf calls the “ostrich approach” to Islamic theology in the face of
seemingly insurmountable odds that do find an explicit and simplistic
textually based solutions. In his book Islam: 'A Sacred Law: What every
Muslim Should Know About Sharî'ah', Abdul Rauf reminds us that Sharî'ah is the “operative formula by which the Muslim determines what is good
and ethical”. What is good conforms to divine intent. “The primary
focus of the sharî'ah is on humankind’s journey towards intimacy with
our Creator… It protects the religion from the vicissitudes of
history.” Furthermore he considers that “it is the law of Islam that
is arguably the most important element in the struggle waged between
traditionalism and modernism..” and recommends that we draw our temporal
into the eternal… and “think about the morality of issues that were
not posed to us before …” Indeed, if the “Islamic point of view”
has not yet been established,” he asserts there “ought to be”.
Yet he refers to the three responses by
Muslims to modern dilemmas. Number one is the “ostrich approach”: bury
our heads in the sand and quoting ahâdîth and Qur’an, especially those
to imply Muslims are on a moral high ground and thus unaffected by these
new dilemma. The second is to build a Muslim society by establishing
standards adhering to divinely ordained values. The third is to develop a
methodology to integrate us into the society at large without losing our
religious integrity and identity. Clearly this third option will be the
most affirmative one in response to HIV/AIDS.
The nuts and bolts of any affirmative
action on legal reforms will be drawn from a variety of sources of Islamic
law, textual and 'ijtihadic'. How they have been used and can be use vis-à-vis
HIV/AIDS is not fixed, yet using them is essential. Differences in their
usage need to be plainly spelled out, showing the ways of using the
various criteria and our own sense of moral imperative to achieve optimal
opportunities to benefit HIV/AIDS sufferers and to prevent further spread.
We must be honest, however, that this is a process. For something like
HIV/AIDS there is no simple precedent. AIDS is an indiscriminant, equal
opportunity killer: it matters little if you pray everyday or never pray
at all. Therefore we will not be able to resolve the problem by the
ostrich logic that pretends good Muslims don’t contract AIDS, let alone
die from it.
With respect to legal reforms I am
intentionally deferring to those experts on matters of jurisprudence with
this one important caveat gleaned from my experiences addressing issues of
Islam and gender for several decades. No interpretation, application or
positive development can proceed without every effort to include the ones
whose agency is most directly affected by the case presented. HIV positive
persons and victims of AIDS from all sectors of society must be included
in the process of resolving the problem if we hope to achieve effective
results. In this respect it is the reality of the ones who experience it,
which determine not only the nature of the experience, but the positive
responses to it for the goals of education, curtailment and control.
Source: This
is the text of the presentation given at the 2nd International Muslim
Leaders Consultation on HIV and AIDS held in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia in May
2003. This is a draft of a paper in process, and the author does not wish
it to be quoted or further referenced.
http://www.muslimwakeup.com/mainarchive/000100.html
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