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| Exegetical Violence: Nushuz
in Quranic Gender Ideology Sa'diyya Shaikh "The manipulation of sacred text has
always been a structural characteristic of the practice of power in Muslim
societies" Fatima
Mernissi. 1. Introduction In this paper I will show how the practice
of patriarchal power in medieval Muslim societies has been mediated
through understandings of the Qur'an. I will examine and analyze medieval
Qur'anic exegesis in order to focus on how the practice of religious power
defined and reflected existing gender ideology and gender relations. I
will argue that the ideological tenets embedded in a patriarchal
understanding of the Qur'an and Islam foster a mode of gender relations
which practically dis-empower Muslim women. My particular interest in this
study is directed at the relationship between Islamic gender ideology and
its implications for violence against women. I begin with a preliminary outline of the
significance of the Qur'an in Muslim societies and the related centrality
of exegesis. Here I provide a rationale for my focus on the
interpretations of particular exegetes. Secondly, I describe my
methodology which is the application of feminist hermeneutics to the
exegetical studies. Thirdly, I proceed with my own analysis of the
exegesis. Here I focus on the interpretations of the verse Q.4:34 as the
index of socio-religious gender constructions. 2. The Qur'an and its Interpretation "As God's own words Qur'anic
statements are normative for the thought and behaviour of Muslims"
Jane McAuliffe. The centrality of the Qur'an in a Muslim
worldview has been well recorded. It is generally perceived by Muslims as
the ultimate reference point, the distinguishing criterion (al-Furqan) for
good and evil and as the transcendent authority which sets parameters and
standards for human existence. Consequently it occupies centre-stage in
the Muslim religious imaginaire. It thus influences social structure,
ideas of normative human relations and boundaries for appropriate
behaviour. Hence the Qur'an is not only a religious text but also a
profoundly political text which shapes the understandings of Muslim
societies. Due to this powerful position of the Qur'an in Muslim
consciousness it is appropriate to examine its implications for gender
relations. The Qur'an mediates itself into social and
collective consciousness through human understanding. Therefore in
analysing the application of the Qur'an to society and gender relations it
is necessary to examine the authoritative mediations of the Qur'an.
Qur'anic understandings do not enter socio-cultural vacuums but are
presented into already symbolically and culturally meaningful contexts.
Hence Qur'anic readers and interpreters bring to the texts their own
"prior-texts", their own worldviews and their own traditions of
meaning informed by particular socio-historical positioning. Thus the
creation of meaning of and from the Qur'an fundamentally involves the
human interpretive attribution. Qur'anic scholar Richard Martin asserts
that: getting at the meanings must focus on the interpretations of
meaning, which means the interpreter and his\her historical\cultural
horizon of understanding. Historically the most powerful and authoritative interpretive body of Qur'anic scholarship is known as tafsīr (exegesis). Adams asserts that tafsīr is a critical index of Muslim self-understanding. According to Adams: there is probably no richer or more
important key to the basic always evolving significance of the Qur'an in
the Muslim religious consciousness than the tradition of Tafsīr writing. Given the above, it may be inferred that
the exegetical texts reflect the dynamic interaction between sacred text,
consciousness and social reality. I believe that it is at the nexus of
these three critical junctures that the religious constructions of gender
are most powerful and influential. I have chosen to focus on the
exegetical writings of selected medieval Islamic scholars to analyse the
historical scriptural world of gender within Islamic discourse. My aim is
to elicit how gender is conceived, imagined, and created by these
interpreters of the Qur'an. I will analyse the interpretations of three
classical exegetes, namely, Abu Ja far Muhummad b. Jarir al-Tabari
(839-922) and Abu al-Qasim Mahmud b. Umar al-Zamakshari (1075-1144) Fakhr
al-Din al-Razi (1149-1210). Spanning the period from the ninth century to
the thirteenth century, they represent classical medieval scholarship. Al-Tabari
was a traditionist, al-Zamakshari a Mu'tazilite and al-Razi an Asharite. My rationale for selecting these scholars
is based on the fact that they are viewed as leading exegetical
authorities among Islamic orthodoxy. Their work represents the dominant
evolving historical legacy of traditional Islamic interpretation. It also
provides a window into the socio-cultural gender norms which informed
their interpretations of the Qur'an. They represent historically
significant schools of traditional Islamic thought spanning three
centuries and their interpretations are taught and transmitted as
authoritative understandings of the Qur'an in most traditional Islamic
institutions. In South Africa, as elsewhere, most of the
traditionally trained Muslim leaders have been schooled in these classical
texts which then inform their own perspectives. These perspectives are
transmitted into society by virtue of their roles as religious leaders,
marriage counsellors and Islamic legal advisors. Hence their
understandings impact upon notions of normative gender relations and
consequently on the way in which religious discourses of violence against
wives are conceptualised. 3. Methodology My approach to the study of tafsīr is
informed by my own positioning as a Muslim feminist. In terms of
intellectual foundations I am strongly influenced by the progressive
perspectives of modernist scholar Fazlur Rahman (d.1988). I proceed from
the premise that there are significant and relevant overlaps between Islam
and certain feminist discourses. I am suggesting that there is a profound
confluence between the pervasive Qur'anic ethos of social justice and
feminism's appeal for human equality. I will summarize a working
definition of feminism as follows: an ideology for social transformation
which aims to resist the oppression of women and advances the ideals of
justice, equality and anti-sexism. Furthermore there are a number of
extremely valuable research tools developed in both secular and Christian
feminist scholarship which may be utilized, albeit critically, in the
examination of gender in Islam and Muslim societies. It is with these
interdisciplinary assumptions that I embark on an examination of medieval
Qur'anic tafsīr. Historically most tafsīr (exegeses) were
written almost exclusively by men. In examining a historical narrative of
gender from the tafsīr of these scholars, I will employ a particular mode
of analysis, namely, feminist hermeneutics. Feminist hermeneutics is a
"theory, method or perspective for understanding and
interpretation" which is sensitive to and critical of sexism. I
approach the tafsīr texts with a "hermeneutic of suspicion"
which is alert to both explicit and implicit patriarchal bias. A
hermeneutic of suspicion does "not trust or accept interpretive
traditions as 'truth'" but rather adopts a stance of suspicion. The
aim is to critically evaluate and expose patriarchal structures, values
and male-centred concerns. This approach focuses on the text as an
ideological androcentric product. Thus I approach the selected exegetical
works as representative of a patriarchal historical cultural milieu. I will also use a particular mode of feminist hermeneutics derived from a model presented by biblical scholar Gerald West which involves "reading behind the text". This mode focuses on sociological and historical reconstructions of the society behind the text. Accordingly, I will excavate from tafsir texts, which are predominantly male records and understandings of reality, underlying images of the ordinary women. The aim is to redress the silences on women's lives, to lift out the marginalised voices, to reconstruct the absent female and to be vigilant of the patriarchal assumptions. According to Sakenfield: Our contemporary responsibility is to
listen to past and present voices who have been heard least, including
women, because hearing voices that have been ignored or silenced enables
the community to question its own assumptions and thus to have a greater
likelihood of encountering the God who seeks to encounter us. This article then examines the evolving,
gendered worldviews of the authoritative Islamic legacy through an
analysis of the historical interpretations of the Qur'an. Specifically the
aim is to apply a critical feminist hermeneutic to the tafsir texts. In so
doing I will subject some of the formative gender discourses in
traditional Islamic exegesis to ideological examination and critique. The
particular issue which constitutes the focal point of such an analysis is
the relationship between gendered Islamic consciousness and discourses of
violence against women by their husbands. 4. Qur'anic Exegesis, Gender Ideology and Violence In my analysis of the exegetical
literature, Sūrah Nisa verse 34 (Q.4:34 - from now on also referred to as
the nushuz verse) is used as a central hermeneutical key around which the
debate on gender constructions and violence against women will unfold. The
translation of this verse reads as follows: As to those women on whose part you fear (nushuz)
disloyalty and ill conduct. Admonish them (first), refuse to share their
beds (next) and (last) beat them But if they return again to obedience
seek not means against them for God is the most high, Great above you The rationale for focusing on this verse is
due to the fact that it has been understood to condone violence against
wives. Interpreted to be espousing hierarchical gender relations, these
verses are seen to create the space for the "legitimate"
physical punishment of women by their husbands. 4.1. The Occasion of Revelation The occasion of revelation (sabab ul-nuzul)
of this verse is presented by the exegetes as follows. A woman whose
husband had slapped her left the marital home and complained to the
Prophet. He condoned her departure from the home of her husband, advising
her to maintain the separation until revelation provided guidance. It was
at this point that the revelation of the Q.4:34 was reported to have
occurred. Zamakashari adds that the Prophet, prior to
revelation, permitted the wife and her father to demand compensation (qisas)
from the husband. Thus revelation of these verses abrogated the Prophet's
recommendation and he is reported to have responded by saying "we
(meaning himself) wanted something and God wanted something else and what
God wants is best". This context of revelation of the verse
sets the scenario for the rest of its interpretation by these scholars. I
have divided my analysis of their exegesis into four parts. Firstly, I
present reflections on interpretations of qiwama, which provides the
framework for the definition of gender. Secondly, I analyse the
definitions of the qanitat which is the term used to describe righteous
women. Thirdly, I examine constructions of the nashiza, the
"disobedient" woman. Finally, I assess their notions of female
repentance. This analysis follows the chronological arrangement of the
verse in the exegetical style of the classical scholars. Simultaneously it
makes holistic thematic connections between the interrelated exegetical
narratives of gender. 4.2. Qiwama: The Framework of Gender Relations 'Men are the Protectors and maintainers (qawwamun)
of women, because God has given the one more strength than the other...' In defining the relationship of qiwama the
medieval commentators presented their framework for understanding gender
relations. Al-Tabari stated that the relationship of qiwama is premised on
the material preference that men had been granted. He suggested that this
preference implied the financial responsibility of men to provide their
wives with marriage dowers (mahr), and with financial maintenance (nafaqa).
Thus al-Tabari conceptualised the relationship of qiwama as contingent on
a socio-economic phenomenon rather than some inherent quality of man or
woman per se. Two centuries later also during Abbassid
rule, al-Zamakshari interprets qiwama as the unambiguous and categorical
rulership (musaytirun) of men over women. He suggests that the male-female
relationship parallels the relationship between sovereign political leader
and a male citizen. In the same way that a political leader instructs his
subjects to perform or abstain from particular acts, so do also men
command and forbid their women. This comparison reflects prevalent
socio-political images of autocratic political authorities over ordinary,
male citizens. In this way state political power relations have a mimetic
effect on domestic politics and this illustrates the fluidity between
"private" and "public" discourses. Al-Zamakshari asserts that the relationship
of qiwama is based on natural preferences which God has granted to men
over women. Writing a generation after al-Zamakshari, al-Razi, the
Asharite, concurs with this view. These exegetes' understandings of
humanity is based on the premise of intrinsic natural differences between
men and women. Both these exegetes, al-Zamakshari and al-Razi, regard men
as naturally gifted with a number of superior attributes which range from
intellect and determination to literacy and the ability to ride. Due to
this notion of a qualitatively superior male constitution, they argue that
men are natural leaders in the spheres of religion, politics, the
judiciary, and marriage. Thus in presenting a set of criteria for
difference between men and women, al-Zamakshari and al-Razi conflate
"biological" and socially constructed potentials. This religious
discourse of intrinsic gender difference pervades the rest of their
interpretations and points to underlying anthropological assumptions. Such
religious or theological anthropologies underpinning the exegesis will now
be excavated, examined and interrogated. 4.2.1. Qiwama: Theological Anthropology and Difference The notion of a theological anthropology
raises the question of what it means to be human within a religious
framework. This involves an analysis of how religious discourses of
values, beliefs and practices define human beings. It is therefore an
implicit component of any religious discourse. The questions that arise
from an inquiry into theological anthropology are as follows: What does it
mean to be human? What is the vision of humanity? What goal for human life
is proposed in religious scripture? These questions are integrally related
to religious understandings of gender and gender relations. Al-Zamakshari and al-Razi's definition of
male qiwama (rulership; musaytirun) as pointed out earlier, is premised on
hierarchical and dualistic anthropological categories. Their framework
positions men and women as polar opposites whose interactions reflect
power relations of dominance and subjugation. Men and notions of
masculinity are associated with rationality, intellect, and spirituality.
In contrast, women and "femininity" are constructed as
emotional, irrational, carnal and sexual. Thus patriarchal anthropologies
posit a transcendence/immanence polarity, a body/mind dualism where the
male pole is considered more powerful and more valuable than the female.
This dichotomy translates into a hierarchical understanding of humanity
which prioritises mind over body, reason over passion, spirituality over
carnality, and male over female. Patriarchal anthropology is apparent in the
interpretations of those exegetes who interpret qiwama as the God-given
relationship of power and authority that men are granted over women. They
consider male qiwama to be based on an inherent intellectual and spiritual
superiority. Accordingly, they argue that all social roles that require
intellectual or spiritual strength, such as political and religious
leadership, be viewed as exclusively male. Zamakshari and al-Razi's
interpretation of qiwama as the "natural" preference that men
are granted may be seen to reflect the normative gender ideology and
gender roles prevalent in these exegetes' socio-political and cultural
realities. As described earlier a hermeneutic of
suspicion involves reading behind the text since silences and omissions
betray an ideological bias. These silences and omissions together with the
statements of the exegetical text may be interpreted to reflect the
socio-cultural realities behind the text. In terms of the exegetes'
understandings of natural male intellectual superiority, I infer that the
development and manifestation of women's intelligence (as defined by male
discourses of knowledge) were absent or marginalised. Their exegeses
therefore imply that the most visible arenas of knowledge discourse were
unavailable and inaccessible to women. This also becomes apparent in the
language of the exegetes who regularly address the male reader as
"you" while women are referred to as "they", the third
party or the 'other'. An example of this in al-Razi's writing: "If
YOU [emphasis mine] fear something in your heart from your women...if
there is something in THEIR [emphasis mine] behaviour...". This
language also implies that the prevailing readership and scholarship was
primarily male. What is evident from the exegesis is that
the multi-dimensional differences between men and women in a specific
historical context are indiscriminately clustered together as natural and
eternal givens. Acquired skills or culturally determined roles are
constructed as "facts", "truth" and inherent
properties of maleness and femaleness. The anthropological paradigm of difference
and dualism used by the exegetes in their interpretation of qiwama frames
their understanding of women. This is explored further in their
interpretation of the rest of the verse which discusses the qanitat,
referring to the righteous or normative woman and then the nashiza, the
"disobedient" or non-conforming woman. 4.3. The Normative Woman Q.4:34 describes the "righteous"
women as: The verse links salihat, (meaning those
women who do "good", are "pious" and
"righteous") to qanitat. The word qanitat, meaning
"devout" or "obedient" women, has provoked
considerable controversy amongst the exegetes. Among the classical
exegetes the disputed point related to whom the "object" or
recipient of this female obedience was. Was it God?, her husband, or both? Al-Tabari's tafsir presents qanitat as a
contested definition without committing himself to identifying the object
of obedience. However, both al-Zamakshari and al-Razi combine and equally
prioritise the importance of female obedience to both man and God. In
fact, al-Razi states that obedience to God and obedience to one's husband
are both DEMANDED of the righteous woman. He adds that "the woman is
not pious who is not also obedient to her husband". Thus women's
obedience to their husbands assume sacred proportions. al-Razi's association of a God-conscious
woman as one who is also obedient to her husband introduces a discourse of
religious and spiritual hierarchy. The relationship between husband and
wife becomes instrumental in the relationship between female believer and
God. By suggesting that a religious woman is necessarily an obedient wife,
marital hierarchy is prescribed at a religious level. Thus sacralised male
authority and marital hierarchy become foregrounded in the relationship
between female-believer and God. In this spiritual hierarchy God occupies
the pinnacle, men the centre, as mediators, and women (as well as children
and male slaves), the bottom echelon. The final condition or description of
righteous women in this verse is that they should All three exegetes interpret this to mean
that a wife must guard her husband's wealth and her sexuality in his
absence. The rationale that al-Razi provides for this female chastity is
two-fold. Firstly female chastity is considered necessary so that the
MAN'S honour is not violated and secondly so that she does not give birth
to children from seed other than his. The control and ownership of women's
sexuality is central to most male interpretations of the verse. Such
readings implicitly evoke the sense that the sexual fidelity of wives form
an integral part of their religious duty to God. The sacralising of female
sexual fidelity can be construed as the elevation of patriarchal sexual
politics to the divine realm. My critique of this part of the exegesis is
based on the fact that the ban against female adultery is not premised on
a moral imperative of the female believers' relationship with God. Rather,
the motivation for her abstinence from adultery is based on the issue of
MALE honour and maintaining a pure lineage. Hence, even in the depiction
of female piety or spirituality, her sexuality and relationship to men is
instrumental. This implies that in terms of women, the God-believer
relationship becomes secondary and only accessible via a
"correct" man-woman relationship. This inadvertently projects
men as divine intermediaries if not demi-gods, as the objects and
instruments of female accountability. A feminist critique which is
pertinent in this regard is "it is idolatrous to make males more
'like God' than females". Finally, the textual neighboring of women's
sexuality and men's wealth as 'objects' for protection continues the
narrative of male possession. These are both depicted as the objects to
which a husband has sole rights of possession and which are instrumental
to his comfort and tranquility. Accordingly, women are constructed as the
property of men, to be owned and possessed. Such discourses are premised
on power relationships of control, male domination and female subjugation.
They function to objectify and dehumanise women, leaving them
significantly disempowered. Moreover, the discourse of male ownership
allows for unfettered male power which in turn creates the space for the
occurrence of legitimate and privatised violence against women. It is
precisely this violent potential which is the focal point of the exegesis
in relation to the rest of the verse: the issue of solutions or recourses
against the "disobedient" woman (nashiza). 4.4. Nushuz as Female "Disobedience" Having defined the normative woman, the exegetes proceed to deal with the case of deviation from this norm i.e. the instance of aberrance (nushuz). Q.4:34: Literally "nushuz" means to
protrude or project out from the ground or a hillock. However, it is
metaphorically defined by al-Tabari as "isti la" which refers to
the case where a woman is arrogant, refuses to have sexual relations with
her husband or refuses to submit to his authority. The classical exegetes
begin their discussion of nushuz by referring to the cases of suspected
nushuz. In this case it may be purely subjective male suspicion of female
infidelity which may lead a husband to label his wife as disobedient, a
nashiza. This suspicion creates the space for irrational and often
unjustified male jealousy, which is often among the primary reasons for
men beating their wives. All three exegetes are unanimous that a
woman who refuses to have sex with her husband is nashiza. The exegetes
then proceed to interpret the Qur'anic response to female nushuz. 4.4.1. Male Response to Nushuz 4.4.1.1. "Verbally admonish them": Fa izuhunna In their interpretation of the Qur'anic
term fa izuhunna, "verbally admonish them" (i.e. the women), all
three exegetes suggest that the husband should threaten his recalcitrant
wife with God's punishment. They suggest that she is to be reminded to
fear God and hence refrain from disobedience. This invocation of the presence and fear of
God operates as a means of wielding male disciplinary power. The
construction of an omnipresent God watching over male interests operates
as the means to instill female discipline. Male power, with its appeal to
God's constant surveillance, creates self-policing female subjects. This
process is underpinned by the assumption that ... it is more efficient and
profitable to place people under surveillance than to subject them to some
exemplary penalty. 4.4.1.2 "Separate them from your nuptial beds": Wahjuruhunna The next disciplinary measure for
persistent female disobedience is that men leave the marital bed. Despite
the obvious meaning of literally separating beds, the exegetes'
interpretations range from confining the wife in the home, to
"abandon" her during sex, that is, refusing to talk to her while
having sex with her, to tying her up and forcing her to have sex . This
illustrates how a simple recommendation to separate beds, when interpreted
by patriarchal lenses, can be construed to mean have sex with a wife even
against her will. This is tantamount to marital rape. Such an interpretation explicitly condones
marital rape and epitomises oppressive and abusive gender relations. Male
sexuality is depicted as unapologetically omnipotent. There is no male
accountability or recognition of the woman as human. It is clear that such
a framework which views women as utilitarian "objects" is
inherently violent, and explicitly proposes extreme sexual violation and
dehumanisation of women. 4.4.1.2.1 Nushuz and female sexuality As pointed out previously the exegetes
interpret the nashiza as the sexually "rebellious" woman. She is
either one who refuses to have sex with her husband or one who is
suspected of sexual infidelity. In both cases her sexuality is beyond the
control of her husband. This preoccupation with controlling a wanton
female sexuality is a pervading undercurrent of the medieval Islamic
worldview. Fatna Sabbah describes this construction as the "omnisexual
women". Accordingly, womanhood is defined as a powerful sexual
principle which is threatening, uncontrollable, and potentially anarchic
to male order and stability. Moreover, her supposedly consuming sexuality
is accompanied by an active intelligence or guile (kayd) which is solely
directed at the maintenance and satisfaction of her libido. Sabbah and Malti-Douglas illustrate how
classical and contemporary Islamic discourse feared that women's sexual
allurement would beguile and distract men from religious devotion. It is
in reaction to this threat of the "omnisexual" woman that many
discourses of male control are created, including the traditional Muslim
ideal of a submissive, docile and obedient women. The preoccupation with the control of an
overwhelming female sexuality once again demonstrates the existence of a
dualistic anthropology. Women's existence is determined by biology. She
incarnates the "lower" body or sexual principle which needs to
be restrained and controlled by the "higher" spiritual and
intellectual male principle. Hence the ideal female role is an obedient
wife whose sexuality and womb are securely controlled by her husband. I
suggest that the inability of classical exegetes to synthesise a unity
between sexual, spiritual, emotional and intellectual facets of self has
resulted in what Ruether terms "a case of projection".
Accordingly the male exegetes "as monopolisers of theological
self-definition, project onto women their rejection of their own 'lower'
selves." This underlying ideology of hierarchical dualism is innately conflictual and when women do not acquiesce to meet their defined roles, the possibility of violence ensues. This is reflected in the interpretation of the final and controversial male Qur'anic recourse to female disobedience (nushuz), that of the darb, "to strike", or to "beat". 4.4.1.3. Wadribuhunna: The Beating The final recourse in the Qur'anic verse
reads: Al-Tabari interprets this last resort as
"to strike her without hurting her (gayr mubara)". Al-Razi
appears the least prone to offer an endorsement of violence. He interprets
this part of the verse by saying that while hitting is permissible, to
desist from it is better. Here he quotes the hadith where the Prophet says
that men who beat their wives are not "among the better men".
Al-Razi suggests that this is a clear indication that it is preferable not
to hit women. He suggests that the rationale for the three-step conflict
resolution (first to admonish, then to separate beds and finally to
strike) was not a license but rather a restriction on prevalent male
violence. Al-Razi's interpretation should be
understood in the context of a misogynist and machismo culture where men
regularly beat their wives. It was considered an exhibition of strength
and "manliness" or masculine virility (murruwa). In such a
context a statement that men who hit their wives were not amongst the
"better ones" undermined and countered the prevalent
misogynistic values and norms. Even when al-Razi concedes that men may
ultimately resort to the darb, he attempts to practically abrogate the
violence by stating that only a folded handkerchief or miswak (a small
twig used as a toothbrush) could be used for such purposes. This
recommendation implies that the "darb" was a token or symbol of
male authority, which al-Razi appears quite willing to maintain. However
it was the substantively violent component of the darb which he
tried to reduce through interpretation. Al-Zamakshari, unlike al-Razi, is
unapologetic about condoning violence in his interpretation of the darb.
He quotes a hadith where the Prophet is reported to have told the husband
to "Hang your whip in such a place that the family can see it".
However he concedes that this hadith is weak (daif) since it has a weak
chain of narration. The assertion and perpetual visibility of male power
and control is evidently not only directed at the wife but at the broader
family. This type of interpretation and narrative provides religious legitimacy for a worldview which sanctions violence against women. For example, even al-Razi who makes constant practical recommendations to men to be restrained and prudent still acknowledges the ideology of acceptable male violence against women. Within this mentality the female body becomes a political anatomy...where it enters a
machinery of power that explores it, breaks it down and rearranges
it...this mechanics of power defines how one may have a hold of another's
body not only so that one may do as one wishes, but also that one may
operate as one wishes, with the techniques and efficiency that one
determines. This discipline produces subjected and...docile bodies. Thus I propose that the narrative and
worldview of the exegetes aims at producing docile and subjugated female
beings. The "disobedient" woman (nashiza) is seen as aberrant
and the religious psychology inherent in the exegesis condones corporal
punishment against her. Normativity demands that the female be docile and
obedient and the non-conformist who contravenes this order of things needs
to be disciplined even if such discipline includes violence. 4.5. The Repentant Woman The last part of the verse deals with the
repentant nashiza: In urging men to forgive the repentant
woman al-Zamakshari reminds men that while they may have power over their
subordinates, Allah has power over men. He quotes a hadith where the
Prophet saw a man about to hit a slave with a whip and said: "Oh, Abu
Masud, Allah is more powerful over you than you are over the slave"
and consequently Abu Masud threw the whip away and freed the slave. Equating the status of a woman to that of a
slave appears to be a pervading notion in the medieval universe. The
medieval Islamic scholar Abu Hamid al-Ghazzali (d.1111) stated
thatmarriage is "a type of slavery" (naw min al-riqq) and that
the wife is the slave of her husband (raqiqa lahu) and she is obligated to
obey all his orders except for anything that entails sin. In this stratified and hierarchical
worldview men are more human than both free women and slaves. In this
context violence against subordinates, whether they are women or male
slaves, appears to be acceptable. In fact the medieval Islamic world, as
reflected in its general legislative culture, saw the punishment of the
body as a normative disciplinary measure for all citizens. However free
men were subject to such punishment only within the public sphere, whereas
women and male slaves were also subject to such discipline in the home. Al-Razi's commentary on this final part of the verse reasserts a spiritual hierarchy by illustrating the inextricable association between man and God: Men are not to seek a path against women
purely to demonstrate their physical superiority and power, because God is
the most powerful. Despite God's exaltation he has not burdened you beyond
your capacity of endurance. Therefore do not demand love from your wife
when she is unable to do so. God does not continuously punish the
repentant sinner once he has returned to obedience. Therefore, if a wife
terminates her disobedience and repents, forgive her and do not harbour
feelings of vengeance. Finally, despite God's omnipresence, he is content
with judging you by your external behaviour and does not hold you
accountable for the secrets within your heart. Therefore judge women by
their overt behaviour and do not pursue them about their feelings
concerning love and enmity. This is the most distinct parallel drawn
between God and men. While on the surface it is a plea directed at men to
be merciful towards women, again the implicit pattern of gender power
relations is one premised on structural hierarchy and paternalism. There is an explicit and primary
relationship between men and God and similarly there is an explicit and
primary relationship between men and women. Implicitly, the human- God
relationship only engages men. In this way al-Razi effectively silences
and marginalises the direct relationship between women and God. Salient amongst the God-images of the
classical exegetes are the divine qualities of omnipotence, omniscience,
benevolence and absolute dominance. This is evidently paralleled in the
positioning of man to woman. Given the above, I suggest that the
relationship between men and women is dialectically fashioned on the
relationship between men and God. This analogy was also evident in the
exegetes definitions of the qanitat (righteous) women. However, a less cynical interpretation
could understand al-Razi to be placing limitations on the husband. In
terms of the context where violence was normative, the reminder to men
that "God is above you" was effectively an attempt to instill in
men a sense of accountability. In this way it was aimed at reducing the
sense of unfettered power that men enjoyed both psychologically and
practically and to deflate, albeit ironically, their 'God-complexes' in
relation to women. It is within such a context that commentators
interpreted this verse as a restriction on male power. It reflects the
contextual realities of male power and female powerlessness. The
relationship between meaning and context is thus primary and inextricable. 4.6 Conclusion The interpretive discourses of gender
employed by classical exegetes provides a window into the gender relations
of their socio-historical contexts. Their hermeneutical lenses are
evidently created by a patriarchal worldview and thus their
interpretations are the ideological products of a male-centred society.
These texts constitute the religio-cultural legacy of Islam which provide
the vehicle for the reception of the Qur'an in the minds of Muslims. They
are instrumental in the transmission of a consciousness and worldview that
implicitly and sometimes explicitly legitimates violence against women.
The purpose of this paper was to examine the ideological assumptions
embedded in the authoritative interpretations of the Qur'an. These
exegetical studies are indicative of the structural complicity of religion
in discourses of violence against women. However, even within such patriarchal
discourses there persists a subversive element. It has been demonstrated
how al-Razi consistently attempts to abrogate and minimise the violence
inherent in darb ("beating"). Both al-Razi and al-Zamakshari
state explicitly that the verse Q.4:34 functions to place a limitation on
the power and authority of men and to restrict their retributive action
against their wives. A verse which in contemporary understanding can be
seen to create a space for the violation of women, in a medieval context
may be arguing to limit the physical violation of women. There is thus a
dynamic interplay between context and hermeneutics. Source: http://theothervoices.org.za/Religionsa/jotafs.htm |