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| First to Rise Last to Sleep:
Women of Pakistan It is impossible to describe that composite of various averages, the Pakistani woman, for the simple reason that like all other stereotypical 'the's' that pass for reality, she does not exist. In Pakistan as in other third world countries it is perhaps even more difficult to identify the average woman than in the industrialized countries because the uneven penetration of firstly colonial rule, and subsequently, capitalist mode of production, have meant that a Pakistani woman's life can have remained petrified for centuries, or have been radically altered by the cataclysmic events of her people's history. Depending on her geographical location a Pakistani woman can find herself in a tribal, feudal or urban environment. She can be a highly qualified and self-confident professional, or self-effecting peasant toiling alongside her men folk; she can lead a cloistered life cut from all decisions and information in the urban lower-middle class ghettos of respectability or in the wide expense of nomadic regions, or she can be a central figure of authority in the limited circle of influential women in government and business circles. There are large regional and class variations in the role of a Pakistani woman. Regional variations: In the less populated provinces of Baluchistan and the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) life is strictly governed by a rigid code of tribal beliefs and patterns of behavior. Here, the slightest deviation from this code has disastrous consequences. An indiscreet word with a member of the opposite sex to whom one is neither married nor betrothed, for instance, can result in severe punishment. A woman has no say in any aspect of her life, including her own marriage, and once betrothed, belongs exclusively to her husband's family. To all extents and purposes she is an alienable property, and once the bride-price has been paid, she cannot be returned, whether in a state of divorce, separation or widowed. These women are invisible, not just
allegorically, in that they have no voice and are ignored by statisticians
and scholars alike, but literally one rarely sees a girl of over six or
seven years old either in the countryside or in the urban centers. In
these areas the paucity of educational facilities, the low level of
industrial development and infrequent urban centers combine to diminish
the possibility of change fro women. In the more heavily populated feudal
provinces of Sind and Punjab, retribution in cases of digression from
social mores may not be quite as drastic or quite as swift. Here, even
after marriage, a woman retains her links with her own family and can
depend on her brothers or father for support in the event of separation or
divorce. Marriage is not arranged through the bride price but dowry, and
separation and divorces do take place. In these agro-based provinces women
are visible in the countryside, where they are to be seen working in the
fields, collecting fodder or fuel, and in some cases working on the
construction sites. Both these provinces have a higher frequency of urban
centers than the tribal provinces, and education facilities, though still
inadequate, reach a greater number of rural women. Class differences: Large urban centers are the source of the minority of women who belonging to upper social class. From this class hail many women who have worked their way up into the upper echelons of government, who have become doctors, scientists, chartered accountants, who have risen to the position of deans and heads of trade unions, who run their own businesses and who have entered the field of politics. Like their counterparts in the industrialized world these women have broken new ground and entered exclusively male domains. Most of these exceptional women have been contemporaries of their counterparts in Europe and United States and have occasionally preceeded them in obtaining their rights. Prominent among these have been Begum Ra'ana Liaqat Ali Khan (widow of pakistan's first prime minister) who served her country as ambassador (1954) and Governor of Sind (1972), Dr. Kaniz Yusuf who became first vice-chancellor of the prestigious Quid-e-Azam University in Islamabad (1973), Kaneez Fatima who heads one of the largest (dock workers') trade unions since 1960s, Mohtarama Fatima Jinnah, sister of Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who stood for president against Ayub Khan in 1965, and finally Benazir Bhutto first woman prime minister of a Muslim country (1988-90, elected again in 1992 and current prime minister of Pakistan). But privileges of these urban women stem from their class background and all the attendant opportunities. Sabeeha Hafeez talking about a typical metropolitan woman says that, "she dines out, shops with ease and attends mixed parties." Because of a complex social system of Pakistan the metropolitan women is both a model and a cause of resentment among the lower class women for whom the reality of life remains very different. The majority of Pakistani women belong to
the silent and unmentioned peasantry in the rural areas and the working
class in the industrial centers. It is a poor and virtually illiterate
majority, which leads a life of physical hardship involving long hours at
tedious chores, for which there is neither compensation nor recognition.
Most of these women bear the double burden of housework and outside work.
Consequently, they are first to rise and the last to sleep. They must
light the fire, prepare breakfast, have the dishes washed and the house
cleaned before setting out on their 'working' day. After everyone
else has collapsed in bed, these women are still cleaning, clearing and
preparing for the following day. Not only do these women have longer days
than the rest of the family, but being the last to eat, they eat less well
and suffer from anemia and malnutrition. Sandwiched between these 'extremes' are the small-town and middle class urban women whose numbers have grown in recent years. These women come close to what could be called an average Pakistani woman. They truly represent the clashes and paradoxes of Pakistani society. In some ways they have the best and in others the worst of both worlds. They are encouraged to pursue higher education but discouraged from entering into careers. Some of them attain some level of financial independence but are not free from patriarchal social customs. Khawar Mumtaz and Farida Shaheed are talking about these women when they say, "there is a large and apparently growing army of women who work 'invisibly' within the confines of their homes. Such women usually belong to families which claim a slightly higher social status than the working classes, and whose menfolk find it an offence to their sensibilities if their womenfolk work visibly and for wages." For some from this group of people the spiraling rate of inflation has pushed the women into finding some means of making an extra rupee or two by taking in piece-work at home or joining a respectable profession such as teaching. References: Khawar Mumtaz and Fareeda Shaheed: "Women of Pakistan: two steps forward one step backward", Zed Press, London, 1987. Sabeeha Hafeez: "Metropolitan Women in Pakistan: Studies". Renaissance Publishing House, Delhi, 1990 [1st published 1981].
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