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The Issue of Religiosity in Mental Health: 
Are We Forgetting The Missing Link?

Abul Hussain

In recent decades concern has developed about inequalities in mental health and health care delivery between the ethnic majority and Black ethnic groups.  Research (Fernando, 1995; Browne, 1997) findings have shown overrepresentation of Black groups, many of whom from Muslims backgrounds, in the psychiatric system.  Furthermore research has found that Black ethnic groups are more likely than the ethnic majority to be: admitted to hospitals under compulsory sections of the Mental Health Act (1983), deemed to require urgent treatment and placed on locked wards.  Black groups are also more likely to be diagnosed as suffering from schizophrenia, given high doses of neuroleptic drugs and less likely to be offered non-drug based treatment such as talking therapy.  In short they get the rough, hard end of mental health care.  Black writers (Kareem & Littlewood, 1992; Fernando, 1995; Robinson, 1995) have highlighted the mistreatment of black patients arguing that this stems from racial stereotyping and cultural imperialism adopted by mental health professionals, who view Black ethnic groups as being: unable to express their emotions, hostile in attitude, not motivated for treatment and not psychologically minded.  Certainly the diagnosis of psychiatric disorders, if not carried out by white middle class psychiatrists, is based on the ethnocentric knowledge base of Western medicine.  No real attempt is made to develop any detailed understanding of how Muslim patients' religious beliefs influence their thinking about health, illness and treatment.  Yet there are an estimated 1.8 million Muslims living in the UK (Muslim News, 1998).  The few Muslim mental health professionals within mainstream mental health services, such as myself, exist in the two cultures that are worlds apart finding it difficult to narrow the gap between them. 

This paper is thus my attempt to build bridges by informing other mental health workers how they might better understand the contrasting the value system of the Muslim Ummah (community) against that of secular psychiatry.  Islamic beliefs have a central role in the lives of many Muslims, such as myself.  Sarwar (1998), describes the belief system or articles of faith in two dimensions, the internal and external forms of worship (ibadah). The internal form of worship is referred to as ‘imaan’ and has seven facets, which includes belief in: 
(1) Oneness of God (Allah), 
(2) Allah’s Angels, 
(3) Allah’s Books,
(4) Allah’s Messengers, 
(5) the Day of Judgement (the hour of reckoning) 
(6) Destiny or fate (al-Qadr), and 
(7) Life after death.  

Five basic duties or pillars constitute the external form of the worship.  These include: 
(1) Shahadah (a deep understanding and verbal acceptance of oneness of Allah and prophet Mohammad (pbuh) as the final messenger), 
(2) Salah (5 compulsory daily prayers), 
(3) Zakah (giving charity to the poor), 
(4) Fasting (abstaining from eating and drinking during the month of Ramadan), and 
(5) Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca, if means provide).  

It is generally held that our faith protects us from ill health as well as helping us manage health problems when they do occur.  The fact that Islam plays a major part in shaping the Muslim's understanding, experience and expression in mental distress is well-documented (Ansari, 1992; Hussain, 1999; Badri, 2000).  Amongst Muslims there is a strong tendency to conceptualise illness as occurring according to the will of God (Allah),  who is understood to be a higher power that cannot be perceived by the senses.  Central to this belief is the idea of Al-Qadar.  It is believed that everyone's Qadar is written from the moment of conception.  Whatever happens in life is written in Qadar and can never be changed, except through supplication, which is in the grace of Allah whether to accept or not (An-Nisa 4:48).  Allah is the architect of destiny and the advancement of the individual is dependent on Him.  All life events are under His control and can be changed by Him alone.  This belief is fortified in the Holy Quran in Surah At-Taghabun (64: 11):

"No calamity befalls, but with the leave of Allah (i.e. what has befallen him was already written for him by Allah from the Qadar, Divine preordainment)… and Allah is the All-Knower of everything".

In many cases, human suffering is also looked upon as being a means to an end.  For, Prophet Mohammed says that when one is afflicted with pain they should not complain and instead endure illness patiently, as illness is a way of being forgiven for sins and balancing the rewards.  Illness is also understood as a trial on people placed by Allah to test their level of piety, devotion and reliance.  Nasiruddin al-Khattab expounds this further when he says: "Patience means to keep close to Allah and to accept calmly the trials He sends, without complaining or feeling sad" (1997: 7).  Some have also noted that people with ill-health are asked to pray for others, as they are regarded to be purer in Allah's sight; supplications from them are thought to be more likely accepted by Allah.  Alongside this belief, black magic (witchcraft or sorcery), spirit possession (jinns) or evil eye (ayn, nazar), are also believed to be negative forces or spells that are responsible for emotional distress or irrational behaviour.  While nazar can be caused unintentionally by an envious glance (Sa'eed Ibn Ali-Ibn Wahf Al-Qahataani, 1996) and be responsible for many common emotional stresses - these acts are thought to be attributes of those who transgress the Islamic sanction.  When afflicted by such phenomenon Muslims frequently turn to the Quraan (Al-Bakarah 2: 255, 285-286; Ya-Sin 36; Al-Falaq 113; An-Nas 114 etc) for salvation. 

It is also commonly found that emotional stresses are essentially communicated through somatic or physical complaints.  The upper body and mainly the heart (ruh, nafs, qulb) is commonly indicated to be the location of emotional pain.  Somatic symptoms have far more importance in the Muslim cultural system.  Here the perception is one of the connections between "psyche" and "soma", the multiple ways in which physical and psychological problems interact. Therefore, the distressed person primarily notices and reports somatic symptoms.  Mental unrest is thought to be the manifestations of an incongruent heart - an unstable soul - that is lost and so has become distant from its 'creator', Allah.  In this sense, a stable or sound state of mental health is a "well" or "true" or "clean" or "guided" heart that is calm and so is within the sanctions of Islamic teachings.  A "rusted" or "hard" heart is a symptom of chronic ill feelings and ultimately God's displeasure. This state is described mainly as an aching heart, a trembling heart and pressure in the heart.  While the head is the vital and animating principle, the heart / soul is the locus of thought, feeling, awareness and memory.  One "thinks", "becomes aware" or "recalls" in the heart (Al-Munafiqun 63:3; Al-A'raf 7:179).  Thus, "illness" is the illness of the heart or body.  This mode of articulation is not to say that thinking in the heart is emotional illiteracy (an inability to understand and communicate emotions adequately), but that it is thinking that is metaphoric and closely connected to feelings.  This feature of expression is rooted in the Quraan in Surah Al-Baqarah (2:10):  

"In their hearts is a disease (of doubt and hypocrisy) and Allah has

increased their disease.  A painful torment is theirs because they used to

tell lies".

 

The significance of the heart as a living entity is also indicated in

Bukhari:  

 

"Beware!  There is a piece of flesh in the body.  If it is healthy, the whole body is healthy.  If it becomes unhealthy, the whole body gets unhealthy - that is the heart"  -  (Ansari, 1992: 7)

As mental distress in the practising Muslim community is generally expressed as moral transgression or the result of Divine Will, religious interventions or methods are frequently resorted to for healing.  Fasting (sawm) , repentance (taubah) and regular recitation (zikr) of the Quraan are common features of the treatment and healing process.  Thus the belief in the treatment is closely tied with the belief about illness.  Underlying this belief is the idea of regaining connection and intimacy with Allah and in the process enabling one to gain a cognitive grasp of their situation.  This is expected to reduce motivation for sin and relief from distress, which leads to better health.  This understanding is reinforced in the following verses of the Quraan:

  "He who does evil or wrongs himself, but then seeks forgiveness of God, will find God Forgiving, Compassionate" (Al-Nisa 4:10)

 

"….If Allah is your helper none can overcome you and if He does not help you, who is there to help you? The reliant rely only on Allah" (Al-Imran 3:160)

 

"Surely in the remembrance of Allah do hearts find rest" (Ar-Ra'd 13:28)

Outside the spiritual sphere biomedical psychiatry, part of western medical tradition, attaches its explanation of human distress to an individual's biological body.  In this view distress is understood as a defect in the hormonal mechanisms that control the balance of emotions and thoughts i.e. levels of serotonin and dopamine which causes chemical imbalance of the brain.  It deals with the classification, diagnosis and treatment of those people it determines as mentally ill on the basis of a wide range of clinically symptoms.  This means that the person is seen in isolation from their religious, social and environmental factors.  This idea is based on the philosophical concepts of Cartesian dualism (the secular idea that mind and body are separate entities), which are present in western cultures.  Thus the total experience of the person is divided into various components, such as 'hearing voices', 'feeling depressed' etc.  What this means is that, other life events, such as belief in Higher Power as in Allah and the consequences of inequality, which play an important part in shaping peoples' experiences and concepts, are systematically played down.  Ultimately then, this implies that the part religion plays in understanding the meaning of human suffering are of little value in helping us understand the origins of human distress.  The biomedical model assumes that distress has no intrinsic value and so must be dealt only with anti-depressants or modern technical interventions such as cognitive-behavioural psychology. 

The problem with this western secular, scientific approach is that it denies any significance to any other understandings of mental health and illness, such as those of Muslims. While an understanding of distress in the western culture focuses on the "individual", Islam teaches us to look beyond ourselves and focus on being God-conscious (the relationship with Allah).  How much sense is it to prescribe tablets to someone who perceives their problem to lie in some religious maladjustment?  Can psychiatrist achieve credibility within the Muslim community if they regarded mental health practitioners as godless and ill equipped to deal with complex psycho-religious issues?  Can a psychiatric assessment achieve its full value in such a context?  How far are Muslim groups able to realise their inner strengths and resources without a wider mechanism that supports the context in which they internally grow and live?  Does the increase in the secularisation of western societies contribute to a view that sees religious or spiritual belief as symptomatic of mental illness?  The questions raised tell us how western mental health care is failing to recognise differing ideas about life, approaches to life's problems and beliefs and feelings that come from non-western cultures such as Islam.  Western mental health workers could therefore do a lot towards bridging the gap and empowering their Muslim clients’ by simply saying to them: ‘I don’t know much about your culture of origin but I would be interested to hear about it from you’.  This may help to narrow professional and client power differences and increase effective communication across cultures.  Given the belief that clients from Muslim backgrounds view ‘self’ in the collective community and spiritual sense (Badri, 2000), it will also be useful for mental health workers to help clients explore and access resources available in their own community, such as Mosques rather than be restricted to mainstream services alone.  This may help to increase clients’ integration with their social being and whole self and therefore lessen feelings of alienation.  Speight et al (1991) argue that this type of non-directive approach acknowledges that cultures are at play and can be used to help an understanding of where the client is coming from, putting their life experience in context.  

Being a social worker with a Muslim identity working in the mental health system, in which the medical model dominates, can raise some professional conflicts.  Reflecting on my own experience, I have learnt that when these difficulties remain unresolved, maintaining professionalism can become a frustrating process, hindering my personal development and effective multi-disciplinary team work.  What has helped me to deal with these dilemmas is support from other members of the team, who are committed to anti-discriminatory practice.  Through this we have created a forum where ethical practice issues can be safely discussed and pursued. This helps to raise awareness of organisational prejudice and bring a more reflective perspective to working with multi-ethnic groups.  If we are to value the diverse expression of human life, we have to be open to religious systems embodied within a culture that determines how life is conceptualised.  If mental health workers are to develop a deeper understanding of ways of life and death, they need incorporate into their western scientific professional knowledge base some respect for the spiritual sanctions or maps that are being generated within the cultures of the people they attempt to care for.  From this standpoint, it can be gathered that learning about the concept of 'after-life' (known as akheerah in Islamic terms) and how it relates to some of the symbols within 'God-conscious' communities are useful starting points in increasing empathy and sensitivity towards these groups.  In other words, working along side religious discourses is a step towards realising the vision of the worlds of others.   Writers from psychospiritual perspectives (Badri, 2000) say that because of the under-value of the religious paradigm, too much emphasis is now placed on ‘cultural differences’ to the exclusion of the belief systems, which underpin a culture and is an integral part of it.  More importantly they point out how a Western world-view approach to understanding community mental health needs now to engage in dialogue and include the context of 'faith communities'.  For many people, religious faith or spirituality can act as part of the holistic healing process.  It can be part of finding that 'centre' - the balance - that gives calmness and peace, which is so vital to recovery.  Spiritual principles and values need to be closely explored if mental health professionals are to really appreciate and work creatively with the richness of a community in all its facets.  

 

References

Al-Hilali M & Khan M (1993), Interpretations of the Meanings of the Holy Quran in the English Language, Maktaba Dar-Us-Salaam, Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. 

Ansari Z (1992), Quranic Concepts of Human Psyche, Islamic Research Institute Press, Pakistan.

Badri M (2000), Contemplation: An Islamic Psychospiritual Study, The International Institute of Islamic Thought, Cambridge University Press, UK.

Browne D (1997), Black People And Sectioning: A Study of Black Experience of Detention Under The Civil Sections of the Mental Health Act, Little Rock Publishing, London.   

Fernando S (1995), Mental Health in a Multi-Ethnic Society, Routledge, London. 

Hussain A (1999), An Exploration into the Importance of Understanding Cultural Issues in the Presentation of Mental Distress in Bangladesh, Unpublished Paper, University of East London.

Kareem J & Littlewood R (1992), Intercultural Therapy: Themes, Interpretations and Practice, Blackwell Science, London.

Sarwar G (1998), 5th Edition, Islam: Beliefs and Teachings, Muslim Education Trust, London.

Muslim News (1998), Muslim Population in Britain, Unpublished Paper, UK.

Nasiruddin al-Khattab (1997), Patience and Gratitude, TA-HA Press, London.

Robinson L (1995), Psychology for Social Workers - Black Perspectives,

Routledge, London.

Sa'eed Ibn Ali-Ibn Wahf Al-Qahataani (1996), Hisnul Muslim, Safir Press,

Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.

Speight, Myers, Cox and Highlen (1991), A Redefinition of Multicultural Counselling, Journal of Counselling and Development, 70, Sept./Oct.1991.

 


Contact Information:
Abul Hussain, Social Worker (UK), DipSW, BA Hon's
International Social Work Studies
Community Mental Health and Social Work
e-mail address: mazemo@mazemo.worldonline.co.uk